From CA-5 to CA-6: Expanding Central Asia’s Capabilities
In a relatively short period, the format of Consultative Meetings of the Heads of State of Central Asia has evolved from a cautious dialogue into a stable regional platform grounded in trust, pragmatism, and respect for sovereignty.
This format has maintained its flexibility and openness to new forms of cooperation; consequently, the decision to include Azerbaijan in the consultative platform appears not as an ad-hoc move, but as a logical progression in the format's evolution.
The Journey of Central Asia and Azerbaijan: From the "Five" to the "Six"
Baku’s integration into the traditional Central Asian "Five" was not a spontaneous event; rather, it represents a classic example of carefully calculated diplomacy, in which the partner was gradually incorporated into the shared space—transitioning from an honorary guest to a full-fledged participant in the macro-regional core of the CA-6.
Initially, the Consultative Meetings were established solely to address internal issues among the five nations—such as border demarcation, the removal of customs barriers, and the allocation of water resources. However, tectonic shifts in recent years have compelled the region to seek reliable access to global markets that bypasses traditional routes.
A solid foundation for this was laid at the bilateral level: in the last three years alone, President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan has made nearly fifteen visits to Central Asian states, while his Central Asian counterparts have visited Baku a combined total of one-and-a-half times as often.
Ilham Aliyev’s initial invitations to attend the summits as a guest of honor enabled Baku to gain a detailed understanding of the region’s internal dynamics, while demonstrating that it harbored no ambitions for political dominance and was prepared to play by shared rules.
A turning point in this diplomatic timeline was the Seventh Consultative Meeting in Tashkent, where the heads of state made the historic decision to officially admit Azerbaijan as a full member of the format.
At first glance, the inclusion of a country from a different geographic region might have seemed unusual; however, the leaders of the Central Asian states openly declared at the time that the Caspian Sea no longer divided them but rather united them into a single geoeconomic macro-region.
The subsequent informal summit at Issyk-Kul served as the first forum where Ilham Aliyev participated in negotiations as an equal partner, while the signing of the Cholpon-Ata Declaration firmly anchored Azerbaijan within the group's international legal framework.
The "group of five" welcomed Baku without internal opposition for readily understandable, mutually beneficial reasons—chief among them being that the full development of the Middle Corridor would be impossible without Azerbaijan.
On the western shore of the Caspian, Baku controls critical segments of transport infrastructure—including the international port of Alat and the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway—which provide Central Asia with the shortest route to Turkey and Europe.
Moreover, Azerbaijan has entered this framework with a substantial investment portfolio, establishing joint investment funds with Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, while also directly financing the construction of industrial facilities and logistics hubs in the region.
As a result, the countries have opted for cooperation rather than competition for sales markets. Indeed, projects currently under discussion—such as hydrocarbon processing initiatives and the laying of a deep-sea power cable across the Caspian seabed—are transforming the "group of six" into a powerful, independent energy player within the Eurasian space.
The Political-Institutional Logic of the Format
In this context, it is crucial to emphasize that this is not a matter of expanding Central Asia in a strictly geographical sense, nor does it entail redrawing borders or diluting regional identity. The "CA-6" format represents a functional expansion of the scope of cooperation, reflecting the objectively increased connectivity between the Central Asian and South Caucasian regions.
The consultative nature of the leaders' meetings was, from the outset, their primary advantage. The absence of rigid supranational obligations, a focus on consensus, and flexibility regarding participation made it possible to establish a sustainable dialogue without the institutional overburdening typical of cumbersome bureaucratic unions. The full-fledged inclusion of Azerbaijan does not alter this logic; on the contrary, it confirms its viability.
Turkmenistan played a pivotal role in shaping this architecture by consistently advocating for a model of interstate dialogue based on voluntarism, equality, and mutual respect for sovereign interests—an approach that enabled the expansion of the format to be received calmly and constructively.
While not geographically part of Central Asia, Baku acts as an "external yet non-external" partner, functionally complementing the region in areas where the full potential of joint projects cannot be realized without its participation.
The constructive response from Central Asian capitals to this expansion reflects a clear understanding that the new format poses no threat to the internal balance of power but, rather, significantly strengthens the region's collective international standing.
The Connectivity Economy and Corridor-Based Logistics
The most evident practical dimension of the CA-6 format is the qualitative transformation of the transport and logistics agenda. In this new configuration, the Middle Corridor is ceasing to be a collection of disjointed national segments and is beginning to take shape as an element of a unified geoeconomic space.
Azerbaijan objectively serves as the western link in this chain, facilitating the connection of routes toward Turkey and Europe. In this context, Turkmenistan assumes particular strategic importance, acting as a natural Caspian bridge between the eastern part of Central Asia and the South Caucasus region.
The development of Caspian port infrastructure and participation in establishing sustainable transit routes reinforce Turkmenistan’s role as a key element of the new CA-6 logistics architecture.
The International North-South Transport Corridor adds further depth to this logic. Through close coordination, the eastern and western branches of this route—traversing the territories of Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan—open up long-term opportunities for Central Asian nations to access the Persian Gulf and, subsequently, the Indian Ocean via the troubled Strait of Hormuz.
For a macro-region whose states lack direct access to the open ocean, this significantly enhances geoeconomic resilience and the diversification of external ties. One can only hope that, sooner or later, the Strait of Hormuz will cease to be a high-risk zone.
From Transit to Value-Added and Energy Complementarity
The significance of the C5+1 format extends beyond mere growth in transport volumes; the fundamental issue lies in the quality of economic connectivity. Increased freight flows pave the way for the establishment of industrial zones and joint production ventures, enabling countries to transition from the role of purely transit territories to that of full-fledged participants in high-value-added supply chains.
The energy aspect of integration deserves special attention. The countries of the region possess diverse specializations: some are rich in oil and gas, others hold significant hydropower potential, and still others are actively developing renewable energy sources. Within this expanded format, these differences serve as a foundation for complementarity and coordination.
Possessing vast natural gas reserves and consistently promoting the diversification of export routes, Turkmenistan has a clear interest in such coordination mechanisms. When combined with Azerbaijan’s capabilities—backed by extensive experience in integrating major energy projects into international markets—this opens the door to discussing new models of energy connectivity, including promising "green" initiatives.
For foreign investors, the CA-6 format sends a strong signal of political alignment, demonstrating the macro-region's capacity for long-term planning; interest will likely center on transport infrastructure, the energy sector, and the digitalization of transit.
Rather than automatically eliminating regulatory risks, the new format establishes a viable mechanism for collectively addressing and mitigating them, encompassing sensitive areas such as geopolitics, climate, the environment, and water diplomacy.
It is fundamentally important that the CA-6 format is not directed against third countries and does not create new dividing lines in Eurasia. On the contrary, it reinforces a multi-vector approach, encourages the search for mutually acceptable solutions, and makes sustainable development a practical necessity.
The CA-6 format reflects Central Asia’s transition to a more mature model of regional thinking, one that prioritizes connectivity, pragmatism, and trust over formal structures. This represents not a rejection of regional identity, but rather its strengthening through expanded opportunities.
In Conclusion
In a rapidly changing world, the ability to combine strategic restraint with proactive diplomacy is becoming a key asset for Central Asia, marking the region’s transition to a more mature mindset that prioritizes connectivity and pragmatism.
Against this backdrop, the experience and conduct of neutral Turkmenistan merit special attention from the expert community. A policy of positive neutrality, underpinned by practical mechanisms for cooperation, enables Ashgabat to consistently strengthen its role as a reliable and predictable partner.
A clear focus on economic connectivity, energy security, and transport corridors is fostering an environment of trust and shared long-term interests around Turkmenistan. Crucially, these areas do not exist in isolation but form a unified strategic architecture in which national priorities seamlessly align with regional and global objectives.
Turkmenistan is not merely adapting to new economic realities but actively helping to shape them, offering the Eurasian region a balanced, pragmatic, and forward-looking model of conflict-free cooperation.
Bekdurdy AMANSARYYEV, Expert at the Center for Strategic Studies, Institute of International Relations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan
